Now that I got my little rant about the state of affairs in U.S. presidential politics, I can turn back to what’s really important – the fact that Pokemon Go has finally come to Hong Kong.  No, I’m kidding about the importance of that event, but it’s fascinating how quickly the Pokemon Go phenomenon has swept the world.  What I find alarming and once again is something that you wouldn’t pay much attention to as an expat in Hong Kong or occasional visitor to mainland China is any and all press freedoms remain under constant assault.  First it was yesterday’s article in The Guardian questioning how Hong Kong’s main English daily, The South China Morning Post (SCMP) conducted an interview with a Chinese activist released from a year in secret detention before she had even seen either her husband or lawyer.  In the interview, she expressed contrition for her activism and the SCMP is only saying that it was aided by an intermediary that it refuses to name, leading many to believe that this confession was orchestrated by the government in the same vein of the on-air confessions pulled from those who have run afoul of the Chinese government.  Then today I was reading about how the Chinese government is cracking down on original news reporting on online web portals like Sina, Sohu, and Netease, which have built up significant investigative reporting arms over the years as more traditional print media like the Southern Weekend have been sidelined by the government.  The Cyberspace Administration of China is relying on a 2005 internet regulation to crack down on these news sites and is now saying they can only publish social and political news that has been sourced from government -controlled news agencies.  In recent years, these websites have covered stories that tend to resonate deeply with the general public including corruption, natural disasters, chemical contaminations, and other social-related issues.  Sina, Sohu, and Netease are like Facebook, Twitter, and Google both aggregating stories from other sources and printing original stories.  Not only will Chinese netizens lose a valuable source of candid and practical news about things like contaminated running tracks at Chinese schools, tainted food, and government officials abusing their positions of power, but it’s another attempt the central government to stamp out alternate narratives and further control the flow of information its citizens receive.  Perhaps it’s because of next year’s 19th Party Congress and the party’s fear that such news will sow discontent ahead of that event, so better to start now to control the official narrative.  Yet this most recent move combined with what has been a slow, but steady erosion in the quality and independence of the SCMP’s reporting since the paper was taken over by Alibaba at the end of last year is a real one-two punch in the face of independent journalism.  Now no one on the mainland expects the press to be free, but these online news sites actually served a public good bringing stories and issues to light that affected large swaths of the population and might not have seen the light of say in the government-controlled media for fear of inciting dissent.  But when press freedoms in Hong Kong come under attack even though they are supposed to be preserved until at least 20147 under the Basic Law, it’s hard not to take such actions here as a harbinger of worse crackdowns on press freedom to come both here and in China.

 

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Surprise, Surprise

January 30, 2016

China is getting on my nerves.  The internet the past two weeks has been particularly finicky and not having an IT background, I just imagine someone sitting in a room sifting through all of my chosen websites to browse to make sure I am not looking at anything all that bad before deciding to release them to my screen.  I am sure it doesn’t work like that, but whatever it is, it has become a definite problem and a real sap on my productivity, not to mention pissing off the powers that be at work because emails seem to get lost in transmission.  I know that we’ve been upgrading our network at work to install a building-wide VPN, but even at home or on my phone, I find that the connections cut in and out and my VPN becomes less and less stable the longer I am here.  Putting these frustrations into sharp relief is the fact that I was in Vietnam and Hong Kong the past week where the internet in both places was blazing fast.  I mean I could download an entire episode of the Real Housewives of Atlanta at the Hanoi airport while waiting in line for 10 minutes to board my flight.  Here in Shenzhen I spend whole evenings trying to get through one episode of many an hour-long show.  I read surveys of corporates operating in China and the challenging IT / internet environment with the Great Firewall is one of the top frustrations that comes along with having operations here.  I see it first hand at work with all the difficulties of linking up to our servers in the States and maintaining an efficient network for everyone to use.  When you think about these problems coupled with the fact that there are whole swaths of the internet off limits to Chinese residents without a VPN, one has to begin to wonder what effect all of this has on the economy. Interestingly, the leadership here is placing great hope on the internet and innovation associated with it to lead the next surge in growth, but can it do so when the national network is running rampant with censors blocking anything and everything deemed sensitive or a threat to national security.  It’s the latter category that’s most worrisome because nearly anything can fall within the ambit of a threat to national security.

It’s this continued crackdown on any dissenting voice that only adds to the worry about what happens next in China.  Seemingly every other day there is another story out of this country about arrests of people promoting human rights or a high-level government official being taken down for corruption.  On the human rights front, it’s easier to understand.  Beijing does not want anyone giving voice to people who may feel disenfranchised or wronged because of government policies.  The anti-corruption campaign seems to have no real rhyme or reason when it comes to its targets as it’s been evenly spread across the country.  Though interestingly, through this handy interactive graphic, you can see that Guangdong province has fared the worst of all the jurisdictions in the country, meaning that it’s had more take-downs than anywhere else.  Without oversimplifying too much, Guangdong may stand out more than other places because as home to both Guangzhou and Shenzhen, two of the country’s largest and most economically open cities, as well as it’s distance from Beijing and proximity to Hong Kong, the province has a history of doing its own thing and identifying more closely with its southern neighbor rather than Beijing due to its shared dialect of Cantonese. Historically, China has always been a hard country to govern with the hinterlands (including Guangdong) demonstrating a tendency to disregard missives from the central government.  Viewed with these ideas in mind, Xi’s anti-corruption campaign could be seen as an attempt to prevent history from repeating itself again by taking out those perceived troublemakers.  But the anti-corruption campaign has had the perverse effect of hampering reforms by leaving public officials both scared to implement new ideas for fear of falling into the crosshairs of the anti-corruption campaign and worse for the long term, removing people who could have provided a constructive counter-opinion to those pushing current policies.  All in all, it’s still too early to tell how much of this anti-corruption campaign is PR and a way to take out dissent within the ranks or a real attempt to clean up the Chinese government at all levels.  However, I would still put my money on the former and venture to say that it’s more of an attempt to consolidate power around Xi and his small circle of confidantes rather than a wholesale clean-up of the Chinese government where no one is above the law.  In the end, it’s probably just going to be a smaller group of people who remain above the law – those who tow Xi’s line and support his policies.

Increasingly, I worry for the future of this country.  When I was younger, I was an idealist and thought China was going to show the world how to develop in a different and better model than what had been done in the U.S. or Europe.  Now I fear that the country is heading in a direction that is unsustainable.  It’s not just about the economy, but also about simultaneously creating a real space for a population that is growing ever wealthier to be able to vent and express their opinions.  At this point in time, the government seems to be unwilling to create that space, or if it does, it’s done so in the same way that it tries to micro-manage the economy, from the top down.  One of these days, something is going to happen from the bottom-up and it’s not going to be as a result of the government’s doing and it’s that moment I am truly fearful of because it’s going to catch a number of people by surprise and one thing this government does not like is surprises.

Hanoi Happenings

January 27, 2016

I’ve been in Hanoi for the past two days on a work trip, but in running around the city have managed to take in and get some feel for what’s going on here.  It’s been nearly 15 years since I was last here, which makes me sound quite old.  Frankly, it’s odd to think I can utter that I did something like come to Hanoi “15 years” ago, but I guess that’s what happens when it feels like the years breeze right by.  But I digress.

Hanoi feels like a bit of a boomtown given all of the changes taking place around the city. When I was here 15 years ago, I was dodging bicycles trying to cross the street.  Now it’s more cars and motorbikes with only the occasional bicyclist pedaling along.  I tend to use the means by which people get around a city in Asia as a proxy for that city’s level of development and this marked upgrade is a clear sign that Hanoi on the up and up.  The other noticeable thing is that the cars are generally brand new and quite nice, meaning a lot of Mercedes, BMWs, and Audis interspersed with the still nice (and probably expensive due to import tariffs) Mazdas, Toyotas, and Lexuses.

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View from elevator in Sofitel Plaza Hotel

Aside from the cars, I noticed all of the new construction around the city.  A lot of is Korean and Japanese financed with Korean brands like Lotte and building names like Keangnam Hanoi Landmark Tower dotting the landscape.  When I was here 15 years ago, the charming French colonial buildings were really all there was to see, but now as you look out at the horizon, one notices more skyscrapers and apartment blocks going up similar to what has happened in many Chinese cities.

And that was the comparison that I found myself making – Vietnam to China.  It’s as if this country is 15-20 years behind where China is in terms of opening up and developing. However, as I sometimes think China is moving backwards as it grows by aggressively going after foreigners and trying to limit investment opportunities, Vietnam seems to be moving in the other direction and reaching out to bring in investment.  Even the relative surface things like being able to by an International New York Times or log onto Facebook or Google are different than in China where the Great Firewall and extreme censorship makes all that impossible.  But it’s not like Vietnam is a thriving democracy.  The government is Communist and wields enormous power, but appears to be less insecure than China’s leadership when it comes to inviting in and letting foreign influences stay in the country.  Perhaps that will change going forward, but right now Vietnam feels like it it is waking up and welcoming in the world and China is increasingly looking to its massive domestic market to spur the economy as the country tries to throw its economic might around to influence and make friends around the world (see President Xi in Iran within the last week).  Another interesting point is that China is pushing boundaries in the South China Sea and Vietnam is none to happy about it, so perhaps in some perverse way, China’s actions are pushing Vietnam onto a path of relatively more openness.  Either way, Hanoi definitely buzzes with an energy that I find quite interesting and look forward to seeing where it takes this city and the rest of the country.

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St. Joseph’s Cathedral . . . another French legacy

 

December 21, 2015

I’ve been in Hong Kong since Friday afternoon catching up with old friends and meeting new ones, which has been really nice after the relative isolation of Shenzhen.  I forget how everyone is connected here and how willing people are to then connect you with others both in the city and around the region.  It’s a small city, which sometimes makes it feel like a village with high-rises all around.  But if HK, is a village than Asia is like a metropolitan area.  My friend El actually referred to the region as a “neighborhood” where HK, Seoul, Singapore, Shanghai, Beijing, and any of the other cities in the region are only a stone’s throw from one another and people move seamlessly among these regional metropolises.

No matter how many times I leave and re-enter HK, I am still amazed at how different the vibe is here versus the mainland. It’s been starker the past few weeks because I have been hanging out up in Shenzhen, which is about 15-20 miles from Central in HK, but still feels like a completely different world.  The differences are not just in how much more pleasant HK feels when you cross the border or how you can basically find every creature comfort you might be missing from home.  It’s an energy in the air that still has not been snuffed out by Beijing after nearly 20 years of the “One Country, Two Systems” approach to governing HK.  Though it’s not like China hasn’t tried, whether it was passing an anti-sedition law in the early 2000s, revamping the education system to make it more China-friendly, or most recently in Alibaba’s purchase of HK’s largest and oldest English-language daily, The South China Morning Post.  This most recent event has raised some alarm bells in the city because while Alibaba is private, much of its success comes from maintaining close ties with the government in Beijing.  While Jack Ma has promised to maintain the paper’s independence and journalistic freedom, it’s hard to imagine him picking the SCMP’s journalists and editors over Beijing if a story were written that somehow displeased Beijing and the Party.  I mean, even in China you read about things being posted online, whether on Sina Weibo or directly on a newspaper’s website and then immediately the post is deleted.  I just read an article about a landslide in Shenzhen over the weekend, which fortunately was in the NW part of the city and nowhere near where I would have been in Shekou, so as far as I know, everyone is okay.  But in an article from the NYT, it was noted that the Weibo page of a local newspaper noted that the debris and dirt pile was illegal, but had been approved by local officials. Then somehow those posts were eventually deleted.

It’s the hint of transparency or journalistic freedom that quickly gets buried (sorry, no pun intended in light of the recent landslide) by the authorities that makes China so hard to comprehend.  I always struggle with how to describe China to people who have never been there, especially when I try to draw a contrast between the mainland and Hong Kong.  I read an op-ed in the SCMP last weekend by George Chen or Mr. Shangkong, reflecting his Shanghai and HK ties, where in his farewell column he muses about what makes HK different than Shanghai. His conclusion – freedom.  He extols the freedom of choice, to think freely and express those thoughts without fear of being silenced.  This freedom flows into everything else that makes HK feel so different than the mainland because as Mr. Shangkong points out, without this freedom, we don’t get ideas and thoughts, which are the things that get us not only closer to the truth, but to solutions to the problems that vex our society. Freedom alllows for iterative thinking to come up with creative ways to move forward.  In China, the government already knows what it would like in terms of a desired outcome and if you put forth an idea that comports with that outcome, great.  If not, you may be rounded up and put in detention.  What ends up happening is that sometimes you get a good idea that moves society forward, but you’re just as likely to get a bad idea without any escape hatch.

Take a look at the recently completed World Internet Conference in Wuzhen where President Xi Jinping gave an opening speech where he reiterated China’s desire to censor the internet on its own terms and basically told the rest of the world to leave them alone.  Though my favorite quote from his speech was when he said, “As in the real world, freedom and order are both necessary in cyberspace: Freedom is what order is meant for, and order is the guarantee for freedom.” I read that and can barely make out any distinction between “freedom” and “order”. It sounds more like total control of the internet from the Chinese perspective, or perhaps freedom as long as it aligns with what the government wants.  Deviate from that point and you’re in trouble.

So I go back to Mr. Shangkong and why HK feels so different from the mainland and perhaps it’s this freedom that has survived nearly 20 years of Chinese control.  But it’s not like this freedom is guaranteed forever. It’s only good up until 2047 when the “One Country, Two Systems” period will come to an end and no one knows what will come next.  Heck, China could change its mind and end it sooner or continue doing what it has been trying to do since it took HK back, chip away slowly at the freedom that makes HK so special.  Either way it goes, what makes HK special is in danger from a central government hellbent on taking HK down a peg or three to the level of the rest of the country.

Fill in the Bubble

June 14, 2012

This year has been and will continue to be a big one for China.  It’s the year of Bo Xilai’s purging from the Party, a high-level purging not seen since the time of Tiananmen in 1989.  It’s also the year Chen Guangcheng, the blind lawyer fled to the U.S. to go to law school and nearly sparked a diplomatic meltdown in U.S. – China relations.  It’s also the year of the once-in-a-decade transfer of power at the top when Hu Jintao and Wei Jiabao step down to make way for new leaders.  Reading about all of these events in the States, you would think that the country was on edge and that the tension would be palpable upon arriving in the country.  Aside from a few more police than usual in Beijing, you would have no idea in cities like Linyi that the country has been “rocked'” by these events.  I don’t even know how much the people really care about Bo Xilai and Chen Guangcheng, both of whom have been mentioned in the Chinese press, albeit with a heavy pro-government slant.  What I feel and hear about are the more real concerns students have about finding jobs after graduation, being able to afford an apartment in which to raise a family, and why the streets are so crowded with traffic.  I am not saying that something is not afoot in China, but I think it’s going to be problems of the average person that will be one of the major catalysts for change in this country.

When I was in Beijing, I remarked on all of these foreign influences in the form of fashion and art that I saw around the city.  Come to Linyi and there are none of these influences.  What I find so remarkable is how the government so far has done an effective job of controlling the type of information that makes its way into the country.  Go into any bookstore or browse any newspaper stand and you will not find one foreign current events publication. If I wanted to buy a Financial Times or Economist, I would have to go into a bookstore in a foreign hotel or show my passport upon check-out at a store that actually sells such publications.  Chinese people cannot buy these publications lest they be influenced by the heretic ideas contained within.  It’s crazy because everything the people know about is carefully filtered by the central government, rendering a population somewhat neutered when it comes to thinking for themselves.  I encountered the effect of such neutering today in class when I asked my students to pretend they were judges trying to figure out if I intended to enter a contract.  I wanted them to tell me what factors they would look at to determine my intent.  They were scouring the copies of the Powerpoint they had for an answer and I told them that it was not in there.  It took ten minutes before one student told me he would want to see the actual contract.

This one student, Qi Zhichao (齐智超) is the one.  When I say “the one” I mean that whenever I have taught, there has been one student who reminds me of a character in a Kafka novel.  It is as if they are struggling against the limits of he world in which they live and feel a sense of alienation, though they may not necessarily describe it as such.  Figo, one of my students in Guangzhou to whom I gave a copy of Zhao Ziyang’s memoirs before I left, was the best example of such a lost soul.  He actually stumbled upon Kafka in the Zhongda library during one of the breaks.  Figo had questions and thoughts that were out of place with his peers and as a result he felt cut off from them because he recognized he thought about things differently.  I remember during one of my office hours where he railed against society’s preoccupation with the community over the individual.  Figo was definitely one of the ones.  Qi just finished his freshman year, grew up in Linyi, and stayed in Linyi for university.  Figo came from a village in Guangdong province to Guangzhou, one of the biggest and most open cities in the country to study at one of the best schools in the country.  Their circumstances are different, but there is something about Qi.  He is the one who answers most of my questions to the class, he asks questions about the material during breaks, and he stays after class to ask questions.  We were talking about the death penalty the other day and how some states have outlawed the practice.  During break he came up to ask me about euthanasia and whether it was murder.  Such a thought is very uncharacteristic for almost any student I have taught in China because he went above and beyond what we were discussing to connect the dots and bring in a concept that was nowhere to be found on the Powerpoints.  I’m not saying my other students are stupid, I am just saying that they are usually not very good at thinking for themselves.  While waiting for the driver to go back to the hotel after class, Qi came outside to chat with me.  He told me that he wanted to go Shanghai for college to get away from Linyi and experience life, but his gaokao (高考) score was not good enough.  The gaokao is the test at the end of high school that determines where you go to college.  It varies by province, but the test is 2.5-3 days long and covers seven or eight topics ranging from chemistry to history to English.  He seemed really sad about being stuck here and said he wants to leave Linyi after college, which is uncharacteristic for kids here.  I told him to keep working on his English and then he could go to Shanghai and find a job with a company that will value his language skills.  I also told him to keep thinking for himself because that skill combined with his language abilities will make him incredibly valuable to Western companies.  The conversation was cut short because the driver began honking his horn, but I sensed a curiosity that has been borne out by his classroom conduct.  Coincidentally or not zhichao (智超) means “to transcend knowledge”, which is definitely an appropriate name for this student.

For ever Qi there are thousands of students who live in a bubble.  China feels like a bubble most of the time.  If I did not have my internet connection and a VPN, I would be severely limited in what I knew about the outside world.   Most Chinese people are not searching the internet for the Financial Times or other Western publications if they are searching for news at all.  The government has really done an effective job at controlling what comes in to the country while simultaneously shaping what the people internalize and process when they are exposed to outside influences.  I think there used to be a belief that as more and more Chinese moved into the middle class and began traveling and studying abroad, they would return with ideas picked up on their travels.  So far that has not happened.  I have written a lot about this idea in this blog, but it’s not going to be change that is influenced by external forces.  The clamoring from change is going to come about as the social contract continues to fray, that is when the government is unable to continue giving the people increases in their standard of living in exchange for relative passivity.  The social contract will fray to such a point that people will want something different because what they have has ceased to work.  Will it be violent?  Not sure.  Will it be swift?  No.  It’s going to be a gradual process and if the Party is smart, it will try to evolve from within and open itself up to greater competition to help take the pressure off of it and its leaders.

On a lighter note, I was once again given thumbs up at the gym today by one of the trainers.  Except this time, I returned the thumbs because he was working out and I was curious as to how he’d take my gesture.  If you’re wondering, my thumbs were returned with even more thumbs.  At one point I was doing an exercise for my triceps and he came over to touch my triceps as I was working out.  He then proceeded to do the same exercise and stopped midway through because he said it was too hard.  Later on when I was stretching out, he came by to tell me that I taught him something new today and that he’d like to continue to learn from me.  I learned the words for bicep and tricep, ertouji (二头肌) and santouji (三头肌), which mean two-headed and three headed muscle, respectively.  Ah, Linyi continues to fascinate me.

Until tomorrow . . .

I have my first morning class today after two days of starting class 2pm, so this post is going to be short because no matter where I am in the world I tend to treat morning as the time to cram in every possible task I can think of in as limited a time as possible.  It’s why I can get up at either 6am or 9am and I only still get to work at 11am.  Give me more time in the morning and I will find more things to do.

In yesterday’s class, my students and I were talking about torts.  I am fully aware that it is a little ridiculous that I am covering this topic with rising Chinese sophomores who can barely give understand me when I asked why the sky was so hazy yesterday in one class period when American law students get a whole semester to digest the topic.  But I digress.  I was talking to my students about negligence and the idea that the action needs to be foreseeable.  A bunch of the guys in my class are gamers and I know that they play Need for Speed, which is a racing game.  I came up with an example where a guy was playing need for speed and then went out driving his car as if he was still playing the video game and hit a child.  I asked the class if the parents of the child could sue the gaming company for negligence?  Most said no because the gaming company was in the business of making money and providing products that help people relax and have fun, which was kind of the right answer without stating that it was not foreseeable that someone playing Need for Speed would actually go out and imitate the game.  The example was based on a real case with a much more violent game where a teenager then went and shot people dead.

At the end of class, the guys who play games came up to me and asked me if I knew about Warlord, which is a much more violent game than Need for Speed.  Even in my gaming ignorance, I had heard of it.  My students then told me that the game is very bloody and violent, so the Chinese version has no blood.  I was not sure if there was a question in here, so I asked my students if they had played the real version and all of them pointed to this one guy and said that he goes “underground” to find the real game and play with Korean players.  They asked me if the game caused people to do violent things in America and I said no, that generally people get their violent tendencies from elsewhere and a video game would not be the sole cause of such outbursts. I asked them if the game was just as violent without the blood and they said yes.  I was trying to get them to see how arbitrary the law was in China without telling them such.  After some more back and forth, they told me that the Chinese government prevents blood from being shown because they think that it will make people violent.  However, they did not seem convinced.  Hearing this from my students is just another example of the government’s attempt to control the population and maintain a veneer of harmony in ways that do not always make sense, and actually make the government look ridiculous.  Removing blood from the video games, combined with the fact that PS3 from Sony cannot be sold in China for various reasons unknown to me, are just other attempts by a government desperate to solidify an increasingly shaky hold on its population.  Could gamers be the forefront of a revolution, inspired from the blood and violence of games like Warlord?

I am off to class, but more later.

As I may or may not have written earlier, my last night in GZ I went to dinner with one of my students, Figo.  This act in and of itself is significant because I was very careful all year to draw a clear line between myself and my students.  However, Figo was one of my favorite students and definitely one of the most tortured because of his thoughts about Chinese society, the government, and his place in the middle of it all.  As a parting gift, I decided to give him a copy of Zhao Ziyang’s “Prisoner of the State” that I am currently reading.  It’s the first and only account of what really goes on in the upper echelon of the Chinese government and it’s centered around Zhao’s experience as the effective head of the Chinese government and Communist Party at the time of the Tiananmen Massacre.  Zhao was against sending government tanks into Tiananmen Square and for this position, he was stripped of all of his power and placed under house arrest until he died in 2005.  The book has been transcribed from secret tapes he made and had smuggled out of China during his years under house arrest and discuss the inner-workings of the government at the time of Tiananmen and also chronicle his thoughts on the changes that took place in China during the 1980s, as well as his thoughts on the future of the country.  It’s hard to read the book at times because I kept getting the feeling that Zhao was this lone wolf trying to take on the 800-pound gorilla of the Party.

Anyway, I had copies of the book made at the copy store on campus and dropping it off to be copied felt like a small act of subversion because the book is banned on the mainland, even though it was in English and no one in the copy shop could understand it.  In true Chinese fashion, the shop did a pretty good job of copying and binding the book, but of course the title had a mistake:

Prisoner of the State as copied

Prisoner of the State as copied

So I met Figo that evening for dinner and presented him with a copy of the book.  I asked if he knew who Zhao Ziyang was and he said that up until two days ago he had no idea, but then he broke through the Great Firewall and read an entry about Tiananmen on Wikipedia that provided him with all the necessary background information that he was missing.  He was extremely happy to receive this book and began asking me if I knew about protests that had been taking place in other parts of China over the past few days about environmental issues and lost wages. Only because I had read the South China Morning Post that morning was I somewhat knowledgeable about what he was talking about.  Figo is a student who has his ear to the ground and is trying to get as much information as he can about what’s going on in today’s China, but censors and other obstacles make that task difficult.  I asked him about the protests in Iran and he said he had heard about them, but that it was hard to find inf0rmation about them in the Chinese media.  This response confirmed what had been written in the Western media about China’s thoughts on the Iranian presidential election; that it did not want its people to get wind of these protests because them they may get unhealthy ideas about how to take on their government.

We had a great dinner.  Hanna, who is one of the other fellows, joined us and we went to my favorite 川菜 restaurant right off campus for my last meal in GZ.  Figo told us about how he can’t really talk to his five other roommates about politics because they do not agree or do not care.  We tried to steer him towards other students of ours who we thought had similar ideas so they could at least realize that they are not alone in their thoughts.  We also told Figo to email us if he ever had any questions.  I am definitely curious to see what he thinks of Zhao’s book when he finishes it because it’s really a fascinating look at what goes on when decisions are being made at the top of the Chinese government.  Kind of confirms what I wrote about over nine years ago in my thesis at Yale; that when making economically-focused decisions at least, the Chinese government does not always adhere to sound economic principles, but is usually governed by some distorting mix of political pressures and some economic theory that may or may not be correct.  This framework still holds today in a variety of areas where the government has control, thus it makes it hard to predict with any accuracy how the government will respond because it really depends on the internal and very not transparent dynamic among top government officials.

But on a light note, I leave you with some pictures of some of the more bizarre and not quite useful gifts we received upon leaving China.

A bedazzled bear impaled with Picasso-inspired fondue forks

A bedazzled bear impaled with Picasso-inspired fondue forks

The cow stick in glasses sitting in a baby bottle piggy bank

The cow stick in glasses sitting in a baby bottle piggy bank